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By Raniero Panzieri

Raniero Panzieri (Roma, 14 febbraio 1921 – Torino, nine ottobre 1964) è stato un politico, traduttore e scrittore italiano, teorico marxista, è considerato uno dei fondatori dell'operaismo.

Figura lontana ispiratrice di molte delle idee degli anni sessanta, influenzò alquanto anche gli anni settanta.

Fu dirigente del PSI in Sicilia e a Roma.

Diresse l. a. rivista Mondo operaio del PSI. In questo periodo tradusse il secondo libro de Il Capitale di Marx.

Si trasferì poi a Torino. Fu collaboratore della casa editrice Einaudi di Torino, con cui stabilì, dal 1959, un rapporto di lavoro stabile fino al suo licenziamento, nel 1963, insieme a Renato Solmi poiché favorevoli alla pubblicazione del libro di Goffredo Fofi L'immigrazione meridionale a Torino e ritenuti non più funzionali alle scelte produttive e culturali della casa editrice. Fondò los angeles rivista Quaderni Rossi, con altri, tra cui Mario Tronti, il quale si separò nel 1963, fondando l. a. rivista Classe operaia.

Nella rivolta di piazza Statuto a Torino del 1962, intuì l'emergere della centralità della fabbrica e dell'operaio.

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Unfortunately, Amnesty was right. ” But if seditious tigers get only the semblance of a public trial, it should surprise no one when the flies are sent to prison with no public trial at all. The Hundred Flowers had sunk almost without trace under the waves of Party intolerance in 1957 and taken twenty years to resurface. Though the 1957 campaign was followed within ten years by an even more massive explosion of discontent in the Cultural Revolution, democracy was hardly a concern of Mao’s Red Guards, and legality even less so.

But to the extent that he succeeded, this new class of private traders quickly became impatient with his government. They considered his reforms too timid and too few, and they were hard hit and aggrieved by the credit squeeze started in 1988 to curb inflation. It was clear to them—and to others—that the government was split on how to react to the loss of popular confidence. Some leaders wanted to rein the economy back in, others to free it up even more. 44 This disunity at the top encouraged Deng’s critics outside the government to take their grievances onto the streets and to try to help swing the balance against him and the old guard.

The Party leaders could not but see the analogy between 1989 and 1966–69, but naturally they put a negative gloss on it, likening the people’s movement to “power seizures” in the Cultural Revolution and to “the exchange of revolutionary experience and the establishment of revolutionary ties” by Red Guards. But the differences between the two movements are equally striking. At the time of the Cultural Revolution, opinion was divided on its meaning. Some held that it was a drama written and directed by the Maoists, others saw it as a spontaneous product of high social tensions.

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