By Gary D. Rawnsley
This quantity matters the origins, organization and approach to British, American and Soviet propaganda throughout the Fifties. Drawing upon more than a few archival fabric which has in simple terms been obtainable to researchers within the previous couple of years, the authors speak about propaganda's foreign and household dimensions, and chart the advance of a shared chilly struggle tradition. They exhibit how the buildings of propaganda which have been organised at the moment persevered, giving form and aspiring to the rest years of the chilly War.
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Additional resources for Cold-War Propaganda in the 1950s
22 Propaganda was now an accepted component of America's Cold War foreign policy. 23 The methods used to advance the Campaign of Truth belied the growing professionalism of American propaganda. It envisaged that it could summon the combined efforts of individuals and private organizations, as well as government departments and agencies, to penetrate the Iron Curtain and win the hearts and minds of the captive people throughout Eastern Europe. It was further evidence though none was required - of America's growing confidence in its own role and responsibility, as well as its message.
Rawnsley more militant approach. Mrs C. M. Wright of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania described how she, along with her family and friends, fully supported the plan to 'wipe Communism off the earth' by means of a 'wisely planned and wisely executed' Campaign of Truth, and she naively expressed her belief that such a 'war of ideas' would 'forever end shooting wars'. 24 Equally intriguing is the reply to Mrs Wright, drafted by the Secretary to the President, William D. Hosseth, on 28 july 1950: the President was described as 'grateful for your expression of approval.
45. ), The End of the Cold War: Its Meaning and Implications (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 39-40. ), The End of the Cold War, p. 24. In certain cases, authors have defended an anti-Soviet foreign policy by privileging a particular US ideology as the 'sensible' defence of American security. Note, for example, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr's convoluted exposition of liberalism as 'entirely sensible and practical objections to Stalinism, its cruel internal tyranny, its hectoring and aggressive foreign policy, and its conspiratorial penetration of the American liberal movement, and the American government' versus a conservatism which 'tended to be obsessive and absolute'.