By Peter Wilson
Absolutism in significant Europe is ready the shape of ecu monarchy often called absolutism, the way it was once outlined by way of contemporaries, the way it emerged and built, and the way it has been interpreted by way of historians, political and social scientists. This ebook investigates how students from a range of disciplines have outlined and defined political improvement throughout what was once previously referred to as the 'age of absolutism'. It assesses even if the time period nonetheless has application as a device of research and it explores the broader ramifications of the method of state-formation from the adventure of valuable Europe from the early 17th century to the beginning of the 19th.
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Extra resources for Absolutism in Central Europe (Historical Connections)
Mooers extends Brenner’s analysis by giving greater coverage to central Europe and expanding his account of state formation. In a direct challenge to Anderson’s theory, Mooers seeks to relocate absolutism’s origins in the economic base rather than the politico-cultural superstructure. He draws on Brenner’s concept of ‘political accumulation’ which roughly corresponds to what social theorists label ‘monopoly formation’. Since feudal production was relatively inflexible, Brenner argues, the only way to increase yields significantly was to expand the control of people and land by accumulating coercive means such as legal rights and military power.
Thomas Ertman has considerably extended such arguments by recognising that the onset of prolonged international conflict could act as an important variable since the methods for waging war were in a constant state of evolution. 26 Cutting across such interpretations based on the tripartite notion of crisis are two further perspectives reflecting the twin poles of Western Emergence 21 social philosophy variously expressed as the dichotomy between structure and action, macro and micro, or society and the individual.
Crucially, there is little evidence that the nobility collectively sought a stronger monarchy, though sections certainly demanded assistance in mastering the peasants. Closer examination reveals the fallacy of regarding the nobility, or indeed the peasants and any other section of society, as a homogeneous, undifferentiated group with uniform aims and interests. Absolute monarchy certainly served aristocratic interests, but not those of a single aristocracy. Neither was it controlled by a group defined by their relationship to a particular form of production.