A significant other to recreation and Spectacle in Greek and Roman Antiquity provides a sequence of essays that practice a socio-historical point of view to myriad features of historic recreation and spectacle. Covers the Bronze Age to the Byzantine Empire
• contains contributions from a number of foreign students with a variety of Classical antiquity specialties
• is going past the standard concentrations on Olympia and Rome to ascertain activity in towns and territories during the Mediterranean basin
• includes a number of illustrations, maps, end-of-chapter references, inner cross-referencing, and an in depth index to extend accessibility and support researchers
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Additional resources for A Companion to Sport and Spectacle in Greek and Roman Antiquity (Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World)
24 Ptolemy II’s father had sent his daughters off to marry various rulers, but Ptolemy II did not permit his other sister Philotera to marry anyone, and from now on for over a century only one Ptolemaic woman married out of the family. 25 Among the Seleukids the policy became somewhat different, but it eventually converged with that of the Ptolemies. 26 She was her husband’s niece, a relationship in marriage which was the same as that of Alexander’s sister and her Molossian husband; this seems not to have occasioned the same prurient comments as Ptolemy II’s marriage with his sister.
15 Seleukos married again after her (presumed) death, in 299 BC. In the meantime his original marriage had perhaps been politically useful during his campaign to gain control over the Central Asian satrapies, including Sogdiana, though this did not happen until the marriage was nearly two decades old. This advantage cannot have been part of Seleukos’ calculations as early as the marriage; we are therefore entitled to assume that he remained married to her by choice rather than political calculation.
3, 16, 56, and 75; he points out that Moschion, from the Aegean island of Thera, went to the Aegean island of Rhodes as his envoy, and later was in command of a group of mercenary soldiers from the Aegean island of Kalymna. 1. 8. 6; in the letter to Skepsis, Antigonos blamed ‘certain men’ (OGIS 5, lines 5–9) for the failure of the Hellespont negotiations; who these men were is not known, but it seems that there was more to the talks than a meeting of the two rulers. 34 OGIS 5; Billows, Antigonos, 131–133.